Showing posts with label Wilmot Robertson. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wilmot Robertson. Show all posts

Tuesday, 11 August 2009

The Dispossessed Majority: The Atrophy of Education

Quotes from Wilmot Robertson, The Dispossessed Majority (Howard Allen, Cape Canaveral, Fl., 1981)

See also The Cultural Clash: The Dissolution of Art and The Cultural Clash: The Secularization of Religion

The Cultural Clash: The Atrophy of Education

Education, the third of the three principal combat zones in the cultural clash, is the process whereby man’s most priceless possession, his culture, is passed on to posterity. If the process is tampered with, if the cultural testament of a people or race is altered, so to speak, while still in probate, the inheritance itself may waste away. It is the creeping atrophy of the traditional mechanics of cultural flow from one generation to another which characterizes the present state of American education.

In the terminal chapter of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Edward Gibbon said he had described the triumph of barbarism and religion. A future historian completing a survey of the deterioration of American education might say with equal oversimplification that he had described the triumph of John Dewey and Benjamin Spock. Dr. Spock has been singled out because his Common Sense Book of Baby and Child Care has sold more than 19 million copies and, except for the Bible, World Almanac, and The McGuffey Reader, may be America’s all-time bestseller. It has been estimated that between 1945 and 1955 one out of every four American children was brought up according to Spockian precepts. Since the home phase of education is as important as any of the later stages, Spock has probably wielded more influence than any other person, living or dead, on American education.

As for the merits or demerits of such influence, one point should be made clear: Dr. Spock is not only a pediatrician, but also a psychiatrist, and a Freudian psychiatrist to boot. Consequently his theories are grounded in such banal Freudiana as birth trauma, infantile sexuality, oral and anal stages, and penis envy. Spock, moreover, centered the child’s preschool education on the child himself instead of on parent and child as a unit - on the link rather than the chain of the human continuum. Self-expression, in Spock’s Weltblick, is more important than discipline, affection more important than guidance. Most important, although he never describes it in exactly these terms, is what might be called the economy of parental worry. Almost nothing will go wrong, Spock promises, if things are allowed to run their course. In this respect Spock’s wildlife approach to pediatrics reduces to a gigantic nostrum for the relief of parental anxiety. In appreciation for lightening their traditional burden of responsibility and pushing a great deal of it off on the child, millions of American mothers have made Spock a multimillionaire.

It was obvious from the start that parents who followed Spock’s teachings would pamper and spoil their children for fear of wounding their egos and implanting neuroses they might carry about with them for the rest of their lives. The fruits of such permissiveness were to be seen in the activities of the ‘flower children,’ hippie cultists, and student insurrectionaries, all of whom belonged to the first Spock-trained generation of Americans. The results are also to be found in Spock’s oldest son, Michael, a problem child and three-time college dropout who spent nine years in deep analysis.

Too late and too half-heartedly, Spock came to see, at least dimly, the error his ways. Admitting he had been ‘over-permissive,’ Spock recanted to the extent of drawing in some of the latitudinous boundaries he had placed on self-expression and in later editions of his book the word discipline is seen more frequently. In 1968, after shifting his sphere of interest from pediatrics to the war in Vietnam, Spock was sentenced to jail for conspiracy to counsel draft evasion. He had finally become a martyr, albeit a short-lived one because the verdict was later reversed.

When Spock began to devote most of his time to protest movements and legal maneuvers to escape imprisonment, his place was filled in part by the Israeli-born Dr. Haim Ginott, described as the ‘Dr. Spock of the emotions.’ Ginott’s principal thesis is that parents should become amateur psychologists in order to ‘decode’ their children’s behavior. Misbehavior may be tolerated but not sanctioned, and a balance between strictness and indulgence is best achieved by a strategy of sympathy.

The minority grip on the upbringing of Majority children has been further tightened by newspaper and magazine pundits whose readers can be counted by the millions. The columnists who hold the most authoritative sway over parental and teenage attitudes are those who deal with personal problems in the form of replies to letters, some of which are bona fide, some obviously planted. The two most widely read ‘sob sisters’ are Abigail van Buren (‘Dear Abby’) and Ann Landers, who are Jewish identical twins. The creator of ‘Sesame Street,’ the network television program that teaches integration to children at the preschool level, is Joan Ganz Cooney, also of Jewish extraction.

Once the child leaves home for school, the dogmatic lures of child psychiatrists, amateur and professional, are traded for those of formal educationists. Here, even in the first grade, children will fall under the long, quixotic shadow of the late John Dewey, the driving force of what has become known as progressive education. To Spock the child was the senior partner of the parent. To Dewey the student was the senior partner of the teacher.

The subject matter of education, in Dewey’s view, was not as important as the method. Character forming and moral training yielded to problem solving and learning by doing. The use or religious and historical example to instill courage, loyalty, pride, and good citizenship was discouraged. The true goal of education was determined to be the search for a better social order. The study of the classics and of Latin and Greek was dropped and replaced by the social sciences. Classroom discipline was relaxed in favor of teacher-student dialogues. The instructor himself became more concerned with the how of learning than the what.

Predictably, progressive education soon progressed into a state of educational anarchy. It was a noble attempt, as so many of the great ideals of liberalism and democracy are noble in theory before their indiscriminate application makes them ignoble in practice. Unhappily man, who belongs to Homo sapiens, not to a race of gods, is neither mentally, morally, nor physically self-sufficient. The most intelligent, the most advanced, and the most responsible society in history could hardly have profited from such uncontrolled and uncoordinated experimental stabs at the learning process. Yet they were thrust upon increasing hordes of slum-dwelling, uprooted children, whose upbringing, surroundings, and educational capacity were hardly above the Neanderthal level. In no time, all the high hopes and good intentions were reduced to shibboleths of racial and class agitators, while in large urban areas the lack of ethical indoctrination and the incessant depreciation of tested societal values turned out a whole generation of mentally anesthetized, morally disoriented nihilists.

Even Dewey began to see the light in his latter days. Like Spock, he shortened his sails by advocating the reestablishment of a measure of educational discipline. But it was much too little and far too late. The blackboard jungle, student assaults on teachers, campus violence and sit-ins, the senseless destruction of laboratories and libraries - all signaled the death agonies of a once great educational system. If Dewey had lived, he would have been forced, as an Old Believer and an honest pragmatist who knew the proof of the theory was in the testing, to have abandoned almost all his educational ideas. Si monumentum requiris, circumspice.

One extreme example of education failing completely to equip young Americans to meet the trials and tribulations of modern life was the mass murder of eight nurses in Chicago in 1966. A ninth nurse, a Filipino girl, was the only one to escape. It was no coincidence that she happened to be the one who had been least exposed to contemporary educational techniques. She hid under the bed while the others were led off one by one to be knifed to death. The other nurses did not resist because they felt they could reason with the murderer. They thought they could calm him with procedures they had learned in class. According to newspaper reports, they ‘all had psych and they were pretty sharp.’

Although American education is in extremis, there have been few attempts to save it. One proposal has been to bring back the ‘great books’ and let them stand as permanent guideposts for learning. But the problems of American education are much too complex to be solved by the simple substitution of the very old for the very new. Another proposal has been put forward by the ‘essentialist’ pedagogues who describe a common core of learning to be absorbed by everyone, regardless of ability or personal aims. A few educators are turning back to Plato, who believed that education was the drawing out of innate ideas and who could not insist enough on the moral aspects of teaching.

[I]f the question is univerally what considerable advantage the city derives from the education of the educated, the answer is easy. Education is the way to produce good men, and, once produced, such men will live nobly …


Aristotle, once considered the greatest of all authorities on education, has been largely abandoned by Western educationists. It is not hard to understand why. Aristotle asserted that the chief purpose of education was the molding of citizens to fit the form of government under which they lived, to develop in them a sense of affection for the state, and to encourage the growth and unfolding of human intelligence. Still widely prevalent, on the other hand, are the educational theories of Locke, who stressed the teaching of tolerance and civil liberty. Even more popular are the ideas of Rousseau, who abandoned his own five offspring, but whose Ēmile had more influence on child upbringing than any other work until Dr. Spock’s magnum opus. Although Rousseau declared that Negroes were intellectually inferior to Europeans, he is a favorite theorist of those who press hardest for school desegregation. Whereas Plato suggested that goodness be implanted in the student by education, Rousseau decided that goodness was already there and that the teacher’s job was to coax it to the surface.

In colonial times and in the early days of independence, American education was primarily a religious undertaking. It did not become public, secular, compulsory, and ‘universal’ until the last half of the nineteenth century. At present, religious control and sponsorship of education are limited to parochial schools, of which the Roman Catholic church has by far the largest number. Today about one-half of the 11,000,000 American Catholics of school age are in parochial schools, a ratio that is expected to fall to one-third in the next generation. Catholic education is assisted by the fact that tens of thousands of members of religious orders are willing to teach for next to nothing in salary. Needless to say, the steady increase in living costs and the steady decrease in faith seriously threaten the future of the Catholic teaching profession.

From 1965 to 1976 the number of nonpublic schools declined from 19,946 to 17,950 and nonpublic enrollment from 6.3 to 4.8 million. Most of this loss occurred in Catholic parochial schools, even though the number of minority students in these schools increased by 67,000. The number and enrollment of other private schools, especially Christian academies in the South, have shown a marked increase in this period, as white families move their children from desegregated public schools. Jewish school enrollment, on the other hand, declined to 360,000 (from 600,000 in 1963).

As suggested previously, a decline in formal religion does not necessarily result in a nation of atheists. The religious instinct does not mortify. It flows into different channels in the search of different divinities. In the school system, as in so many other American institutions, Christianity is simply being phased out by the modern religious syncretism of democracy, equality, and minority racism. Anyone familiar with contemporary school and college curricula can hardly fail to detect a theological tone in much of the subject matter. Whatever else they may be, political science lectures are becoming increasingly difficult to distinguish from sermons.

No attack on American education - not even the bombings, the schoolyard drug traffic, or the incredible vandalism - has been as shattering as school desegregation. The 1954 Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka may some day be ranked as the Fort Sumter of the Second American Civil War. Although the Constitution says nothing about education, the Court ordered the desegregation of all public schools on the ground that segregation denies equal opportunities to minorities. Even if school facilities were equal - as some were, but most were not - the very fact of separation, in the Court’s view, was generating in black children ‘a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in ways unlikely ever to be undone.’ The Court built its case on the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.

In reaching its decision the Court took judicial notice of sociological evidence that had not been heard in the lower courts and that was introduced during the hearings by a legal technicality known as the ‘Brandeis brief.’ Normally, appeals courts do not permit the injection of new facts or new evidence. But Brandeis, when a Supreme Court Justice, broke this longtime precedent by encouraging the admission of briefs containing materials which he considered unquestionable and not openly prejudiced against either side of the dispute. As it turned out, the ‘Brandeis brief’ heard by the Supreme Court in Brown was simply the repetition and elaboration of the liberal-minority thesis of racial equalitarianism. The genetic aspect of the argument and the effect of integration on the education of white children were totally ignored. The defense was permitted no ‘scientific’ rebuttal.

Because desegregation led to social mixing of whites and Negroes, resistance to the Supreme Court’s ruling flared up immediately in the South. It took longer to develop in the North, where de facto segregation in the ghetto areas gave authorities the chance to look the other way. In both the North and South, however, integration meant abandoning the concept of the neighborhood school, since it could only be accomplished by the educational gerrymandering of entire school districts and by forced busing. Once such steps were undertaken or considered seriously by local school boards, the North often became more uncooperative and hostile than the South.

School desegregation, slowed by massive white noncompliance, has provoked a white exodus to the suburbs. In the birthplace of integration, Washington, D.C., the public school system is now almost entirely black. Although it might be expected that the government sponsors of desegregation would at least make a pretense of doing what they are trying to force others to do, there are only a very few authenticated cases of highly placed white members of the executive, legislative, or judicial branches sending their own children to desegregated public schools.

Preliminary to the Supreme Court’s ruling in the Bakke case, it was shown that less qualified black and Hispanic applicants to the Medical School of the University of California at Davis had been accepted and much more highly qualified white applicants had been rejected. The learned justices admitted this was wrong but did agree that race could be taken into consideration by the admissions boards of institutions of higher education. As a result, these boards pursue the same racial admissions policy as before, although they are now careful not to rely on fixed quotas, preferring to call them goals. Flying directly in the face of the Constitution, the Supreme Court had made race a factor in college admissions.

In the once all-white schools where about half of the nation’s Negro pupils are now enrolled, the results have been far from gratifying. Students of each race have tended to adopt the worst customs, habits, morals, and speech of the other. Bright pupils, black and white, have either left or attempted to leave, and in many schools all social activities have had to be abandoned. Classroom violence and vandalism have reduced the quality of education as much as they have raised its costs (about $181 billion in 1980-81).

The steady decline of national averages of the Scholastic Aptitude Tests taken by millions of college applicants is a dramatic example of what has happened. In 1962 the national average for the SAT verbal was 478; in 1979-80, 424. The national average for the SAT math test dipped from 502 to 466 in the same period. Anyone with the faintest understanding of racial differences in intelligence could have predicted these results, but the experts came up with every reason except the true one. The decrease in these examination scores over half a century was almost exactly proportional to the decrease in the percentage of Majority members taking the test.

The mixing of white children with blacks two to three years behind them in educational level and fifteen to twenty points lower in I.Q. scores has not only substantially slowed the progress of students as a whole, but increased the number of dropouts by pressuring Negro students to perform beyond their ability. The celebrated Jensen study, which claims that heredity accounts for about 80 percent of individual I.Q. variations, concluded that Negro pupils, while as adept as whites in rote learning, are much less adept in cognitive learning. Although these findings clearly call for different curricula for black students, the drive for nationwide educational conformity goes forward unabated.

To help them ‘catch up,’ Negro students are frequently promoted on the basis of age, not achievement, with the result that some students with a third-grade reading level are found in the ninth and tenth grades. As for higher learning, only about one-half of black high-school graduates are fully capable of handling a college curriculum. Once they get to college, Negroes may be given two grades higher than whites for the same work. One professor has been known to pass everyone in his class because he will not fail a Negro student. This same two-tier grading system is applied by other teachers to forestall accusations of racial prejudice. The envy, frustration, distrust, and cynicism aroused by such practices, including widespread cheating, are more noticeable in those universities and colleges which, in their race to enroll Negroes, have dropped their traditional entrance requirements. Minorities are now insisting this practice become universal and actually closed down City College of New York to enforce their demands. Mayor John Lindsay and his Board of Education surrendered, and an open enrollment policy for City College was begun in 1970. Any New Yorker who finished high school, no matter what his grades, was qualified to enter. In 1978, after City College had become an academic monstrosity, the door was partially closed on open enrollment. High-school graduates with mathematics and reading skills below the eighth-grade level were excluded!

Admission to college without proper academic credits is a new idea in American education. If pursued, it could lead to certain complications, particularly in the area of scientific studies. If students can enter college with insufficient preparation, will they then be given degrees even though failing most of their courses? And if given such degrees, can they then use them to obtain employment designing skyscrapers, bridges, and aircraft? The answers have a direct bearing on national security, since Soviet engineers are still awarded degrees on the basis of their grades, not their race.

The Negro invasion of American education has brought with it Black Studies programs, which teach minority racism in classrooms where Majority racism is forbidden. But the injection of minority racism into college and high-school curricula is not exclusively the work of Negro groups. Jewish and Hispanic organizations are also on the lookout for ‘racial slights’ in courses and textbooks which do not elaborate fully on minority contributions to American history or on the persecution of minorities abroad. At their insistence, which often borders on outright coercion, many such textbooks have been rewritten, and more have been replaced. Concurrently, public educational facilities have been put at the disposal of minority groups for research projects highly critical of Majority institutions.

Although minorities generally supported the British or were neutral in the War of Independence, a reading of recently published school and college texts would indicate that without minority assistance Americans might now be swearing allegiance to Queen Elizabeth II. Crispus Attucks has become such an important figure in American history that an illustrated child’s history of colonial times gives him more space than George Washington. Haym Salomon, a Polish-born commission merchant, is another recently discovered minority ‘hero’ of American independence and has been awarded an article under his own name in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, although he was more than once welcomed behind the British lines. On the other hand, those Negroes in the War of Independence who supplied British warships off the Southern coast and who remained on board as volunteers arc seldom featured in the ‘new history.’

Whatever may be said about American education, its present state is a far cry from the 1660s when the entire student body and faculty of Harvard conversed freely in Latin. It is an even further cry from the onetime disciplined earnestness of Western education as summed up by the Latin admonition with which Winchester School greeted its new pupils six centuries ago, Aut disce aut discede; manet sors tertia caedi. There was an air of Melville’s Benito Cereno about the armed band of black militants who occupied Cornell University’s student union center for thirty-four hours and then marched out, guns at the ready, to receive a general amnesty from administration and faculty. There was an air of surrealism about Princeton making Brent Henry a trustee after the twenty-one-year-old Negro senior had distinguished himself in the seizure of a campus building.

If the purpose of education is the transmission of culture, as the greatest modern poet has opined, then the duty of educators is the safeguarding of culture. Here the failure of American education is most glaring. One of the many instances of this failure is the career of Dr. Hsue Shen-tsien. With the help of scholarships paid for in part by the American government, Dr. Hsue received his master’s degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and his Ph.D. from the California Institute of Technology. He then returned to his homeland where he was put in charge of the design and production of rocket systems for Red China’s new H-bombs.

The concept of American education as a denationalized data bank whose deposits belong to everyone and should be passed on by everyone to everyone is not very realistic - especially in a world where most nations have a totally different idea of the learning process. The Communist countries hold to the old-fashioned view that the job of education is to strengthen the state and that all instruction, a Marxist synonym for indoctrination, should ultimately be directed toward that end. This attitude is essentially Aristotelian (Politics, 1337), in spite of what the heirs of Lenin may say, and is shared by those members of American minorities whose cry for special educational opportunities is really a demand for power, not learning for learning’s sake.

The Soviet Union coddles its minorities or non-Russian nationality groups by giving them their own schools and universities where they may pursue the study of their history and literature in their native languages. No matter what his origin, however, every student must take the same required basic courses in Marxism-Leninism, in line with the dictum of the Eighth Party Congress (1919) that Russian schools be transformed into a ‘weapon of the Communist rebirth of society.’ Aside from this political indoctrination, applied sciences and vocational training are given preference over academic subjects in the Soviet educational system. One consequence has been that the U.S.S.R. claims to have many more scientists and engineers than the United States. The teachings of Freud, which have assumed such importance in the American educational process, are hardly known in Russia.

There are some who ascribe the crisis in American education to the generation gap, a social phenomenon which has always existed to some extent in fragmenting societies. But in contemporary America the gap is more publicized than real. Those who do fit the description of belonging to an alienated younger generation have not so much turned, as been turned, against their parents -- often by minority intellectuals old enough to be their grandfathers. It was the septuagenarian German refugee philosopher, Herbert Marcuse (1907-79), who gave most of the ideological impetus to that segment of the teaching profession which seeks not only to set Majority students against their families, but also against their history, their institutions, their race, and even against themselves. Having decided that revolution is no longer possible according to the old Marxist formula of class war, Marcuse proposed building a new revolutionary base on an alliance of students and blacks. He further proposed withdrawing the Constitutional right of free speech from those advocating war, racism, exploitation, and brutality. Another equally venerable, equally professional, and equally Jewish leader of ‘revolutionary youth’ is George Wald of Harvard, born in 1906.

In spite of intensive brainwashing by their Marcusean-minded social science departments, 22 percent of American college students were not afraid to identify themselves in 1970 as ‘right of center.’ It was obviously not this group that provoked the campus violence that descended on the country. Nor was it always the radical students. Students did not seize a New York University computer and threaten to destroy it unless $100,000 was given to the Black Panthers. It was, according to the New York District Attorney, the act of two minority professors, Robert Wolfe and Nicholas Unger. A student shotgun did not shoot down a judge in San Rafael, California, in an abortive courtroom kidnapping. It had been bought two days previously by black philosophy instructor, Angela Davis, whom Marcuse had described as his ‘best’ pupil. It was not the student body as a whole which turned the University of California at Berkeley, once the pride of American public education, into an intellectual skid row. It was a mindless clique of nonstudents, minority students, dropouts, radicalized faculty members, and spineless administrators.

It is not difficult to find a better explanation than the generation gap for the change that has come over American education. In the year preceding the student deaths at Kent State, minority enrollment in Midwest colleges jumped 25 percent. The faculty at Harvard, one of the greatest centers of unrest and agitation, is now ‘dominated by Jews’ and 15 to 25 percent of the faculty or other leading universities are Jewish. Jews now comprise 25 percent of the undergraduates at Harvard, 18 percent at Yale, 15 percent at Princeton, and 40 percent at Columbia.

By way of summarizing the present state of American learning, one point should be stressed. Like established institutions everywhere, the American system of education was the outgrowth of a specific concrescence of people, environment, and history. To suppose this system would function efficiently, or at all, under different conditions and for different ethnic groups is asking man to construct timeless macrocosms out of ephemeral microcosms. A multiracial state, especially one which both permits and advocates cultural pluralism, would seem to require a multiracial educational program, not only because population groups differ in learning capacities but because they differ in learning goals. To force-feed minority and Majority students alike on a thin, curricular soup of one part liberal dogma, one part Majority belittlement, and one part minority mythology is to provide little educational nourishment for anyone.

Some Negro separatists, to the confusion and dismay of black and white desegregationists, call for more, not less, educational segregation so they can more fully develop their racial and cultural identity. Acceding to this proposal could lead to the establishment of separate schools and colleges for all Unassimilable Minorities, who by definition can never be assimilated by education or any other means. This would formalize the apartness of all such minorities and at the same time penetrate the assimilationist disguise of some. In any event, such a measure could not help but give Majority education a new lift by removing it from the control of its detractors and despoilers.

All in all, the great failure of a heterogeneous school system remains its inability to stress effectively the morale-building aspects of education. There is no higher incentive for learning than the self-esteem that flows spontaneously from the awareness of a great past - an awareness that does not come from guidelines published by the Department of Education or from sterilized textbooks designed to please everyone and educate no one.

The kind of learning that prepares a people to prevail and endure must be primed by centuries of common history and millennia of common ancestry. Desegregation kills it by destroying its binding force -- the homogeneity of teacher and pupil. The disappearance or this vital bond from the American classroom may prove to be the greatest educational tragedy of all.

The Dispossessed Majority: The Secularization of Religion

Quotes from Wilmot Robertson, The Dispossessed Majority (Howard Allen, Cape Canaveral, Fl., 1981)

See also The Cultural Clash: The Dissolution of Art and The Cultural Clash: The Atrophy of Education

The Cultural Clash: The Secularization of Religion

Art is one of the battlegrounds of the cultural clash now taking place in the United States. Religion is another. The intention of this chapter, however, is not to indulge in theological speculations or question the truth or error of any particular faith, but to examine the purely social and pragmatic side of religion and its appositeness to the present tides of political, economic, and social change.

God may be dead, as it was once announced that Great Pan was dead and as many twentieth-century churchmen, echoing the wishful thinking of Nietzsche, proclaim. But the religious instinct is very much alive. Though science is a long way from confirming it, it almost seems that men are born with a religious gene. There may have been an alarming decrease in the spiritual magnetism and uplift of formal religion in modern times, but men have made up for it by shifting their innate religiosity to more mundane creeds - democracy, liberalism, capitalism, nationalism, fascism, socialism, and communism. If an abundance of saints, devils, martyrs, and prophets is a sign of religious zeal, the twentieth century ought to rank as the most religious of all centuries. Never since the days of Rome have so many heads of state, both living and dead, been deified or diabolized on such a grand scale. Belief in the old gods may be flickering, but belief in the more worldly deities of the present is laser bright.

A review of organized religion in America must concentrate on a discussion of Christianity. Until quite recently, the United States was called a Christian nation and statistically about 60 per-cent of all Americans still belong to a Christian church. But what exactly is a Christian? The definition seems to depend on the religious denomination of the definer. In Roman Catholic eyes, St. Francis, one of the few who ever took Christ literally, and Boniface VIII, more Caesar than pope, were both Christians. In Protestant eyes, so was Captain (later Reverend) John Newton, who composed the ever popular hymn, ‘How Sweet the Name of Jesus Sounds,’ while the vessel he commanded waited off the Guinea coast to pick up a new shipment of slaves from the interior. Other Christians have included Syrian column-sitters, sword-wielding Norsemen, cannibalistic blacks, lust-ridden empresses, and piety-stricken nuns.

The difficulty of defining a Christian stems in part from the massive polarizations and cyclic sweeps of Christianity in the first nineteen centuries of its existence. No religion has been so many things to so many believers and so many theologians. None has provoked so many heresies and schisms, so much war and so much peace, so much animosity and so much love. Perhaps the only time that Christianity was truly unified and truly one religion was in its very beginnings, when it was a simple offshoot of Judaism - one of the many sects that flourished in the spiritual ferment stirred up by Roman encroachments on Jewish statehood.

The first great problem of Christianity was a purely racial one. Would it be a religion for Jews or for Gentiles? Jesus himself was a Galilean from ‘Galilee of the Gentiles.’ There is no definite proof that he was a Jew, but it is almost certain he was brought up in a Jewish cultural ambiance. At first many Jews looked upon him as a possible Messiah come to satisfy their craving for a return to the temporal glories of Solomon. Later, when the ministry of Jesus began to include outsiders and when he demonstrated more interest in an otherworldly than in a worldly kingdom, the Jews quickly closed their hearts and their purses. In the words of Toynbee, ‘this inspired Jewish scion of forcibly converted Galilean gentiles was then rejected and done to death by the Judaean leaders of the Jewry of his age.’

The next problem facing Christianity, once it moved away from the Jews, was how much of its original Jewish background and tradition would or should be preserved. One faction, the Marcionites, attempted to purge the early church of all Jewish influence and went so far as to brand the Old Testament the work of the devil. The Petrine Church, on the other hand, accepted the Jewish Bible, a great deal of Jewish theology and law, and the special position of the Jews as midwives of Christianity - indeed almost everything Jewish except the Jews themselves. Eventually the Judaizing party won, though remnants of Marcionite influence persisted until the Cathars of Southern France were liquidated by papal auxiliaries in the twelfth century. If the Marcionites had prevailed, there would have been very little Judeo in the Judeo-Christian heritage of Western civilization.

One of the principal themes of Gibbon’s magnificent obituary of the Roman Empire was the important role of Christianity in its decay and dissolution. If the great historian had explored the workings of the Early Church more penetratingly, he might have found the real culprit was not the Christian religion as such, but those who played up the equalitarian and insurrectionary elements of Christianity at the expense of the more fundamental Christian concept of otherworldliness. On the one side, the power and privilege of the dwindling Roman elite were undermined by the New Testament’s accent on brotherhood and renunciation.

On the other, the subject races were aroused to violence by the inflammatory sermons of the Early Fathers, whose strictures against Roman paganism demanded the destruction of everyone and everything connected with the old religion. In A.D. 310 there was one last flare-up of pagan repression when the Emperor Galerius poured molten lead down Christian throats and fed the lions a final meal of martyrs in the Coliseum. Two years later, Constantine saw the blazing cross and Rome soon had a Christian Emperor.

When Christianity became a state religion the bishops changed their tune. Instead of opposing the government the Church became its guardian. Instead of attacking military service it advocated it. Once the oppressed, Christians were now the oppressors and the flames of Greek and Roman temples lit the night sky of dying Rome. Although it was too late to prevent the Empire’s collapse, the bishops did manage to convert, in a fashion, the conquering Teutons, who later saved Western Christianity from the Huns, Arabs, Turks, and other heathen marauders.

By the time of the Crusades, Christianity had divided into the Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox churches. It divided again when Northern Europe, incited by princes with a covetous eye on the heavy gold exports to the Holy See, broke away from the spiritual absolutism and temporal Realpolitik of the Latinized Popes. The Reformation drew the religious frontiers which today separate Protestant from Catholic Europe and the racial frontiers which in many areas separate Nordic from Alpine Europe.

Professor Guignebert of the University of Paris, perhaps the most informed modern biblical scholar, has provided an interesting sidelight on the development of Christianity by noting the changing ‘appearance’ of Jesus through the ages. The first depictions of Jesus made him hairy, ugly, and abject. Later in Gothic rose windows and statuary and in Renaissance paintings and frescoes, Christ was endowed with Nordic features and at times looked more like Siegfried than the son of a Mediterranean carpenter. Many paintings of the Holy Family portrayed the Virgin and the Christ Child with blond hair and blue eyes. The Aesthetic Prop was everywhere visible in the greatest masterpieces of Church-sponsored art.

Christianity was brought to the United States by members of practically every Christian denomination - Anglicans and Anabaptists, Catholics and Mennonites, Lutherans, Quakers and Shakers, Greek Orthodox and Doukhobors. The Episcopal Church - two-thirds of the signers of the Declaration of Independence were Episcopalians - and the Calvinist churches (principally the Congregational and the Presbyterian) remained dominant until the rise of the revivalist and evangelical sects in the early nineteenth century. The slavery issue dissolved whatever Christian unity existed between North and South, turning many Yankees from the eye-for-an-eye morality and ironbound predestination of Calvinism to Unitarianism and other less rigorous and less selective creeds. In the same years Southern churches fastened a stratified, black-and-white Christianity on the slave states, justifying their actions by murky biblical passages on human bondage.

Shortly before the Civil War, Roman Catholicism began to assume some prominence in national affairs. In addition to its religious function the Church served as an immense social service organization for the mass influx of hungry, homesick Irish immigrants. Decades later, it became the spiritual and, on occasion, the political shepherd for the millions of Central and Southern European Catholics who furnished the bulk of the New Immigration. By the early 1930s the Catholic Church was the largest and most powerful religious body in the United States. In 1928 Alfred E. Smith lost the presidential election partly because he was a Catholic. In 1960 John F. Kennedy won the presidency partly because he was a Catholic. In the 97th Congress (1981-82), more congressmen belonged to the Catholic Church than to any other religious denomination.

Today, Christianity in the United States - the fundamentalists excepted - has turned its attention from God to man and become the champion of the minorities. Many Protestant ministers take the money from their collection plates and spend it on projects for blacks and Hispanics that are often more political than charitable. Churches are transformed into meeting places for black gangs. Clergymen record their ‘deep appreciation’ to the black militant who stormed into Manhattan’s Riverside Church and demanded $500 million in ‘reparations.’ Long tolerant of communism in its various Stalinist, Titoist, and Maoist guises, many churchmen now openly endorse revolution in Central America, smuggle in illegal aliens, propagandize for unilateral disarmament, raise bail for Black Panthers, and conspire against a future draft as they conspired against the American war effort in Vietnam. Some Catholic priests have been active in inciting strikes of Mexican-American migrant farm workers against California farmers. Others, notably the Berrigan brothers, have broken into Selective Service offices and destroyed draft records. Still others have taken to the streets and led mass sit-ins in defiance of state and local laws and Pope John Paul II’s strictures against priests in politics.

Altogether the present liberal-minority stance of Christianity in America lacks credibility and smacks of dilettantism. Jesus was an underdog and his poverty and minority status stimulated an honest concern for the oppressed and downtrodden. The well-fed, well-funded clergyman who walks a mile or two in a ‘freedom march’ and drops in from time to time to see how his Negro friends are doing in the slums seems a little counterfeit. So does the ‘social conscience’ of the Vatican ($80 billion in assets, including a $5.6 billion stock portfolio) and of the United States religious establishment (property alone valued at $102 billion). Such a vast hoard of wealth, which is nothing new in church history, has always made Christianity suspect in the eyes of left-leaning radicals. It helps explain why, despite all that Christian liberals did to prepare the way, in the three great revolutions of modern history - French, Russian, and Chinese - Christianity was officially or unofficially proscribed.

Although Christians are almost a billion strong, their faith is cooling. Popes no longer command armies, excommunicate kings, and organize crusades. There are no more Sainte Chapelles abuilding and no artists with one iota of the religious intensity found in a Fra Angelico painting. The pens of Luther and Milton are still, and the rousing Protestant hymns of yesteryear have lost their Sunday punch and are increasingly unsung. Revival meetings in tents and on television continue to draw large audiences, but more lips are converted than hearts. The old-time religion is still alive and well in some areas, but it has more relevance to the ambitions of prominent evangelists than to God. Catholic and Protestant clerics may get reams of favorable publicity in the press when they abandon their flocks to spread their ‘good works’ among the minorities, but it gains them few points with their hometown congregations. The leaders of the so-called Moral Majority have won a certain amount of acclaim, not, however, for spreading the gospel but for attacking the pandemic corruption and immorality of the times.

The deformation of religion in America, the shift from the Old Testament stamp of the original white settlers to the permissive social Christianity of the present, brings up the age-old question of how effectively religion shapes a people’s character and how effectively a people’s character shapes religion. According to modern standards the colonial American, his rifle in one hand and his Bible in the other, was a caricature of a Christian. He may have read the Good Book to his family once a week, but he seldom went to church. The Pilgrims, it is known, had no pastor for nine years after their arrival. In Virginia fewer than one out of nineteen were church members. Among Massachusetts Bay colonists only one-fifth were even professing Christians. Joshua, though perhaps not the late Bishop Pike, would have been proud of the Pilgrims. When they did go to Plymouth Church, they marched in three abreast with their muskets and firelocks at the ready, while other members of the congregation manned six cannon on the roof, each capable of shooting iron balls of four to five pounds. Was this a different kind of Christianity? Or was it a different kind of Christian?

Many other aspects of early American Christianity are equally abhorrent to modern church leaders. John Winthrop, the first governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, probably spoke for all the Puritan elders when he said that democracy ‘has always been counted the meanest and worst of all forms of government.’ In Connecticut and Massachusetts the right to vote was restricted to church members, upsetting as this may be to those who believe that the American political tradition is unalterably bound to the separation of church and state. Equally upsetting is that the New England church thrived on the slave and rum trade, and that many well-known Congregational ministers owned slaves.

The Protestant religion has passed through its Old Testament pioneering phase and, despite some noisy fundamentalists, its New Testament evangelical phase. It is now well into its liberal phase. The Catholic religion is on a somewhat similar, but later-starting, timetable. The burning faith brought over by immigrants from Ireland and Central and Southern Europe has gradually cooled. Many of their descendants now obey a less rigid and more tolerant code, which permits them to defy their Church’s ban on contraceptives and divorce, skip mass for golf, and escape or think about escaping from the warm protection of their religious cocoon into the uncharted spaces of agnosticism.

Priests and even nuns are marrying, not always within the Church. Parochial schools are shut down for lack of funds. Members of the hierarchy are challenging papal infallibility. As the possibility of another great schism looms, the Church in America will have an increasingly difficult time keeping its decreasingly devout communicants under one roof. If it moves too far to the left to appease its growing Hispanic contingent, it must alienate its Irish and white ethnics. As racial divisions within its ranks sharpen, as the old external battle against the Protestants turns into an internal struggle for power, Catholic unity, once such a strong political force in the United States, may soon decline to the point where Catholics will no longer vote according to their religion but according to their race.

Judaism in America has followed the same hylotheistic route as Protestantism and Catholicism. The orthodox zealotry of the Sephardim of pre-Revolutionary and Revolutionary days compares to the more rational religiosity of contemporary Reform and Conservative Judaism as an acetylene torch to a candle. At present no more than 10 percent of American Jewry observe dietary laws and surveys show that Jewish college students are considerably less religious than non-Jewish students. There are some 4,000 Jewish congregations in the United States, comprising approximately 70 percent of all Jewish families, but most Jews affiliated with synagogues can hardly be described as pious. Only 19 percent of American Jews visit a temple once a week.

The establishment of Israel has reversed or at least slowed this secular trend and drawn some Jews back into the religious fold by renewing their interest in Jewish history. Judaism also continues to be attractive to many Jews for a reason that has nothing to do with religion and much to do with practical politics. As one prominent American Jew explained, ‘In fighting the cause of Jewish rights abroad, the religious approach is usually the one that Jewish leadership finds it most advisable to take.’ He might have added that Judaism also serves as a useful camouflage for Jewish activity in domestic affairs. In the meantime their old religious animus against Christianity has been mollified as Jews discover the advantages to be gained from the Christian liberal’s emphasis on selective tolerance and the Christian conservative’s support for Israel.

The ecumenical movement, though successful in bringing Protestants and Catholics closer together than at any time since the Reformation, has been powerless to prevent the various Christian denominations from abandoning their moral ascendancy over American life. If secularization continues at its present pace, Christianity may soon have no deeper significance in the American scheme of things than sports. Protestantism, in fact, has become so lukewarm that even the issue of federal aid to education no longer secretes undue amounts of adrenaline in Baptist or Methodist glands. Without regard to small, scattered voices of protest, national, state, and local governments often subsidize parochial schools with free lunches and transportation and aid parochial institutions of higher learning with five- and six-figure monetary grants for the physical and social sciences. There is even less outcry when the flaming liberal Jesuit, Robert Drinan, his white collar resplendent in television floodlights, runs for public office.

In recent years the most sensitive area of church-state relationship has not been the mixing of religion and politics, but the public observance of religion. Supreme Court rulings against prayers in public schools and the display of religious symbols in public places, minority attacks on Christmas pageantry in the classroom, minority complaints about Christmas stamps with religious themes -- all these are the outgrowths of what is essentially a mounting racial controversy.

Formerly, separation of church and state meant that churches were to stand alone without financial, legal, or any other kind of assistance from government. Now it is beginning to mean that religion must be isolated and even quarantined from public contact. This could be construed as more of a constriction than an extension of religious liberty. The free exercise of religion is hardly possible without freedom of religious expression.

The campaign against public celebrations of the nation’s religion, in addition to its built-in iconoclasm, cannot avoid becoming a campaign against the nation’s culture. Quite apart from its religious significance, Christmas - decorative tree, yule log, Santa Claus, elves, reindeer, and sky-riding sleigh - is an exuberant manifestation, perhaps the most exuberant manifestation, of Majority folkways.

Already Majority members have permitted their biggest holiday to be transformed into an overcommercialized Oriental bazaar by the great department store chains, many of which are owned by non-Christians. Any further censorship or perversion of Christmas would be a further abridgement, not just of the Majority’s religious freedom, but of its cultural freedom. Justice Potter Stewart, the lone dissenter in the Supreme Court’s school prayer rulings, made this point clear when he said that the Court, instead of being neutral toward religion, was actually showing signs of hostility by denying students ‘the opportunity of sharing in the spiritual heritage of the nation.’

In Notes towards the Definition of Culture, T. S. Eliot writes, ‘the culture of a people [is] an incarnation of its religion,’ and ‘no culture has appeared or developed except together with a religion …’ This is tantamount to saying that religion and culture are indivisible, that one cannot be isolated from the other without severe damage to both. In Eliot’s view, it was no coincidence that mankind’s greatest artistic achievements occurred when church and state were working together, not apart.

Nine of the thirteen colonies had established churches, as did England and the Scandinavian countries throughout most of their history. Church disestablishment in America came about during the War of Independence, which disrupted colonial ties to the Church of England. It was made official by the First Amendment, which was chiefly the work of Franklin, Jefferson, and Madison, many of whose religious (or irreligious) ideas had been taken from the French Enlightenment.

If the Greeks had been disestablishmentarians, there would have been no Parthenon, which was built with government funds, and none of the great plays of Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes, which were staged in a government amphitheater, subsidized in part by the state treasury and offered to the public during state-sponsored religious festivities. If church and state had been separated in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, there would have been no Abbey of Cluny, no Gothic cathedrals, no Florentine Baptistery, no Sistine Chapel, no Last Supper. Bach, it should be added, spent much of his musical life in state-supported churches. Finally, since the most ardent advocates of church-state separation are frequently those who consider every word of the Bible divine revelation, it might be recalled that the Old Testament was the book of the ancient Hebrews, who more than any other people believed that church and state were one.

It is ironic that the Supreme Court, at present the most powerful opponent of church-state unity, sits in an imitation Greek temple, the originals of which would never have been built without the subsidies of an established church. Could it be that the poverty and unoriginality of Washington’s architecture - with its highest monument copied from an Egyptian obelisk and its most famous landmarks slavishly duplicating Greek, Hellenistic, and Roman building styles - owe something to the fact that Washington is the capital of the only large nation where church and state have been separated for more than a hundred years?

The greatest attraction of religion, according to Miguel de Unamuno, is the promise of immortality. Equally as attractive, if endurance and survival are signs of attractiveness, are religious ceremonies, rites, sacraments, liturgies, and feast days - the intersecting points between religion and folkways, between faith and art. The Northern gods have gone to Valhalla, but the yule log still blazes. In Russia the Eastern Orthodox Church has been stripped of its primacy and its privileges, but the spectacular Russian Easter services continue to enthrall believers and nonbelievers alike. In Mexico, priests are not supposed to wear cassocks in the streets, yet each year hundreds of thousands of Mexicans go on pilgrimages, some even bloodying their heads with crowns of thorns in gruesome reenactments of the stations of the cross.

Unamuno to the contrary, most people want to live in the present as well as in the hereafter. The immediately understandable and enjoyable emanations of religion - its dramaturgy - seem as necessary to Western man and to Western aesthetics as its theology. As if sensing this, the liberal-minority coalition now attacks the manifestations of Christianity rather than Christianity itself. Those in the vanguard of the attack, however, are already finding it simpler to silence prayers in public schools than it is to silence Christmas carols.

Many devout Christians, having taken note of the intelligentsia’s open season on religion and religious observances, conclude that they are living in a profane age. They are right to the extent that the times are inauspicious for organized religion. But, as pointed out earlier, the reservoir of human faith is always full. It is not the amount of faith that changes, it is the direction. Religious ages do not yield to ages of skepticism, as some historians pretend. Old established faiths simply give way to new inchoate faiths. Much of the religious feeling loose in the world is in the hearts of those who most object to being called religious.

The usual sequel to the decline of formal religion is the reappearance of the shaman or witchdoctor, whose bag of magic potions and cure-alls is as old as humanity itself. In times of established churches, the shaman must work in the shadows. But in eras of religious ‘freedom’ he is everywhere at once, gathering followers here, collecting donations there, and spreading the tidings of his own peculiar metaphysics up and down the land. Sometimes the shaman operates on the outer fringes of a universal religion. Sometimes he leads his flock out of one universal religion into another, as did Elijah Muhammad of the Black Muslims. Frequently, he dissociates himself from all contemporary religious manifestations and goes back to the primeval bedrock of religion to animism and anthropomorphism.

The phenomenal resurgence of astrology and soothsaying is one example of this trend. But the most striking evidence of the descent of religion from the sublime to the subliminal is provided by that special and somewhat illegitimate branch of psychology known as psychoanalysis. Here in one beguiling gift-wrapped box is almost all the religious stock-in-trade of ancient man -- interpretations of dreams, casting out of devils, incest myths, obsessive sexual teleologies, and confessionals. And the jack-in-the-box is none other than the grand old shaman himself, Sigmund Freud.

As a scientific method for the investigation of the inner man or as a therapeutic tool for mental illness, psychoanalysis can hardly be taken seriously by any rational person. Yet this masterwork of spiritual primitivism has been raised to such psychological, philosophical, and even religious heights that it has exercised and continues to exercise a deeply corrosive effect on Western manners and morals. In the realm of art and aesthetics, where it has probably done the most harm, psychoanalysis has taken man, once thought to be a little lower than the angels, and deescalated him to the level of the brute.

To learn about the workings of the human brain it would have seemed wiser to investigate the neuron, a physiological fact, than the id, ego, or superego, which are hardly more than psychological or, more accurately, psychomantic fancies. That Freud did not take the more difficult approach is one of the secrets of his popularity. Intuition and revelation, the scientific euphemism for which is synthesis, pack in a much bigger audience than long hours of controlled laboratory experiments. To establish and preserve his professional status, Freud coated his teachings with just enough psychological lore to convince the unwary, unstable, and untutored that he was not a humbug. His scientific pretensions notwithstanding, he operated more in the tradition of Joseph and Daniel, his remote forebears, than in the footsteps of those who performed the plodding, painful research responsible for the real advances in the study of human behavior.

After reading Freud one has difficulty in imagining how the world managed to get along until the advent of psychoanalysis. Either the pre-Freudian victims of neurosis never knew what they were suffering from, or the affliction was no older than the diagnosis. Though only the rich can afford psychoanalysis - at rates presently ranging from $50 to $200 an hour - the man-in-the-street undergoes it daily at bargain prices through the massive Freudian backwash in the arts. The greatest writers in modern English literature - Eliot, Yeats, and D. H. Lawrence, to name three - abhorred Freud, and Lawrence even went to the trouble of writing two anti-Freudian tracts, Fantasia of the Unconscious and Psychoanalysis and the Unconscious. But second-rate writers made Freudian theories and characters a central part of their work. James Joyce and Thomas Mann were two of the better novelists who borrowed from Freud, although Mann warned that there is an aspect of psychoanalysis which ‘maims life at its roots.’

Liberalism raised the environment to godhood. Freud preached the unconscious, the id, that seething mass of sex-ridden instincts and drives, that interior devil that can only be effectively exorcised by Freudian priests. Theoretically modern liberalism and psychoanalysis should have not one square inch of common ground. The former appeals, or pretends to appeal, to the rational in man; the latter to the irrational. Nevertheless there are subterranean links that establish a very strange symbiosis. Himself an authoritarian, Freud never let his writings stray beyond equalitarianism into the political area of race. A liberal in politics, a minority member, and an enemy of Nazism, he probably did as much as anyone to change the face of Western civilization, at least in the United States, where he was forgiven for his illiberal view of history and his sickening stress on the reptilian and mammalian aspects of human behavior, and welcomed into the club.

Freud sharpened his attack on the freedom of the will by classifying several important manifestations of individuality as repressions, which he defined as harbingers of neuroses, psychoses, or worse. One such repression was guilt, Freud’s favorite bogeyman, the elimination of which he set as one of the principal goals of psychotherapy. But by getting rid of guilt, one also gets rid of a bulwark of social stability - the most practical, or at least the most inexpensive, of all crime deterrents. If it had the choice, which would society prefer, murderers who feel guilty or those who don’t?

Freud’s advocacy of compliant adjustment to one’s surroundings is not unrelated to the widespread intellectual conformity which has descended on America. His cloacal approach to the roots of human thought and action has opened up a whole new dimension of vulgarity and tastelessness and helped smooth the way for the present Age of Pornography. The Freudian antidote for the mental imbalance caused by technology, deracination, and the contemporary social centrifuge is to rummage around the events of one’s childhood for sexual ghosts. The good doctor’s seething concern for the bizarre, the banal, and the perverse has attracted so many neurotic personalities to his camp it is often difficult to distinguish between patient and analyst.

A case in point is Dr. Douglas Kelley, one of the court-appointed psychiatrists of the Nuremberg trials, who wrote a bestseller on the neurotic tendencies of the incarcerated Nazi leaders, much of the space being devoted to an analysis of Hermann Goering. Later Kelley, like Goering, committed suicide by swallowing a cyanide pill. Another Freudian doctor, Wilhelm Reich, who died in Lewisburg Federal Penitentiary in 1957 while serving a sentence for mail fraud, founded and directed a schismatic psychoanalytic cult dedicated to the knowledge, function, and psychological ramifications of the orgasm.

In its aberrant attempts to cure or control mental disorders, psychoanalysis has been able to obscure but not bury certain axiomatic truths. The mind breaks down permanently or temporarily from overwork or overleisure. Some minds are born with organic defects. Some develop them. If the mind lives alone, if the mind tries to survive on its own waste, it becomes disordered. Sanity is a function of purpose. Remove the spiritual props, the cultural reinforcements, the time-tested morale builders, the four-dimensional insurance of family, race, nation, and church, and the delicate balance of the human mentality can easily crack. Even a brain as powerful as Nietzsche’s could not stand the strain of continuous isolation.

Psychoanalysis recognizes rootlessness as a cause of mental disorder, but it avoids the subject of racelessness, the extreme case of rootlessness. It stresses the importance to mental health of the feeling of belonging, but it ignores race consciousness, one of the most intensive expressions of the feeling of belonging. For such reasons psychoanalysis totally misses the point when if tries to explain the origins of the most pernicious mental affliction of all - the state of mind which leads to suicide.

Suicide is the tenth cause of death in the United States among the general population, the third cause among the 15-19 age group and the second cause among college students. Some of the lowest suicide rates are found in Mississippi and South Carolina; some of the highest in the Pacific states. One study revealed that the suicide rate of American whites was more than twice as great as that of American nonwhites. In 1950-77 the annual suicide rate for young white males rose from 3.5 per 100,000 to 15.3 per 100,000, an increase of 437 percent. In 1977, 1,871 Americans in the 15-19 year age bracket killed themselves.

The racial patterns that emerge from these statistics seem to be almost totally lost on psychoanalysts, who continue to explain suicide in terms of death wishes, depressive states, the frustration of high expectations (the poor don’t have such expectations), and the implosion of aggressive instincts. The statistics also stand in sharp contradiction to Marxist and environmentalist theories which would predict that the rich with their greater material blessings would be less apt to commit suicide than the poor.

It is, of course, the opposite that takes place. The greatest number of suicides occur not in the world’s backward areas, but in the more advanced. It is among the rich and ‘successful’ that the highest suicide rates are usually found, not among the poor. Where there is more racism, there is likely to be less suicide. Urbanism, loss of religion, career setbacks, and intellectual exhaustion are contributing factors to suicide, but an all-important correlation remains the ‘racial morale’ of a given population group at a given time.

Almost everyone who has studied the origins of psychoanalysis is aware that it is the product of the minority mind. Not only was Freud Jewish, but so were almost all his associates. Few, however, are aware that psychoanalysis is also the product of minority animus. According to Howard Sachar, a chief motivation of the pioneer Freudians was

the unconscious desire of Jews to unmask the respectability of the European society which closed them out. There was no more effective way of doing this than by dredging up from the human psyche the sordid and infantile sexual aberrations … Even Jews who were not psychiatrists must have taken pleasure in the feat of social equalization performed by Freud’s ‘new thinking.’ The B’nai B’rith Lodge of Vienna, for example, delighted in listening to Freud air his theories …


Freud can also count a large number of prominent social scientists among his following. Claude Lévi-Strauss, the ‘structural anthropologist,’ has injected the Freudian schematic into modern anthropology, writing in typical psychoanalytical jargon, ‘In the language ... of myth vomit is the correlative and inverse term of coitus and defecation is the correlative and inverse term to auditory communication.’

Herbert Marcuse, the late mentor of the New Left, constructed a synthesis of Marx and Freud, modifying and rearranging the Oedipus Complex in such a way that the father stands for capitalism and the parricidal son, the proletariat. Such fanciful nonsense would make interesting footnotes in a history of scholarly tomfoolery, if it were not taken seriously by so many liberal intellectuals.

It is to Freudianism and its basically hostile practitioners that the Majority member often comes when seeking relief from real or imagined mental illness. He is at once subjected to a sordid, demeaning, demoralizing, and deracinating interrogatory that extinguishes whatever sparks of self-respect he has left. The crux of his problem is not touched, and the problem itself is exacerbated. For the Majority patient, as he or, more usually, she may not discover in time, the psychoanalyst’s couch is the bed of Procrustes. In no area of the cultural clash has the toll of Majority psyches been so heavy.

Religious fervor can be a great catalyst of human energy. But a pseudo religion like Freudianism, when ministered by a minority priesthood to a Majority congregation, can only induce a lethargic hedonism that brings out the worst in everyone. What good can possibly come from what Jung has called those ‘frightful gods [who] have only changed their names and now ... rhyme with “ism” ’?

Dr. Percival Bailey, director of research at the Illinois Psychiatric Institute, in perhaps the most devastating attack ever written on Freud and his works, has predicted that psychoanalysis in the long run will probably be remembered as something akin to animal magnetism. As a means of avoiding the Freudian cul-de-sac which he asserts has never kept a psychiatric patient out of an asylum, as well as providing a cautionary guideline for the Majority member in search of a religion, Dr. Bailey invokes some memorable words of D.H. Lawrence:

The soul is not to pile up defenses around herself. She is not to withdraw and seek out her heavens inwardly, in mystical ecstasies. She is not to cry to some God beyond, for salvation. She is to go down the open road, as the road opens, into the unknown, keeping company with those whose soul draws them near to her, accomplishing nothing save the journey, and the works incident to the journey, in the long life-travel into the unknown, the soul, in her subtle sympathies accomplishing herself by the way.

Monday, 10 August 2009

The Dispossessed Majority: The Dissolution of Art

Quotes from Wilmot Robertson, The Dispossessed Majority (Howard Allen, Cape Canaveral, Fl., 1981)

See also The Cultural Clash: The Secularization of Religion and The Cultural Clash: The Atrophy of Education

The Cultural Clash: The Dissolution of Art

This chapter, the first of three to deal with minority inroads into the nation’s culture, will be concerned with the artistic phase of the struggle [the Majority-minority conflict]. In the dispossession of the Majority, it is the Majority artist who so far has been the greatest casualty.

A basic assumption of contemporary Western thought is that democracy is the political form and liberalism the political ideology most generative of art. The more there is of both, it is generally agreed, the greater will be the artistic outpouring, both quantitatively and qualitatively. The corollary assumption is that once art has been liberated from the dead weight of caste, class, and religious and racial bigotry, its horizon will become limitless.

Of all modern myths, this is one of the most misleading. If anything, art, or at least great art, seems to be contingent on two social phenomena poles apart from democracy and liberalism: (1) a dominant, homogeneous population group which has resided long enough in the land to raise up from its ranks a responsible and functioning aristocracy; (2) one or more schools of writers, painters, sculptors, architects, or composers who belong to this population group and whose creative impulses crystallize the tastes, tone, and manners of the aristocratic leadership into a radiating cultural continuity.

[…]

The mere existence of an aristocracy, of course, does not guarantee great art. It has to be a vital aristocracy with its attitudes, manners, and ways of life firmly imprinted on the society in which it functions. It need not be, in fact it should not be, too wealthy. More important is the possession of a cultural conscience, plus the leisure and will to express this conscience in the form of art. To the artist an aristocracy is of immense practical value because it provides a cultivated and discriminating audience to keep him on the creative qui vive, as well as a sense of refinement and a set of critical standards that are both a model and an incentive for the highest quality of artistic craftsmanship.

Paradoxically, relations between artist and patron are generally more ‘democratic’ in an aristocracy than in a democracy. The aristocrat, having both by birth and upbringing acquired an easy familiarity with art, is quite at home in the company of artists and generally makes a practice of seeking them out. The self-made man, on the other hand, no matter how high he climbs in politics or business, can never quite shed his native philistinism. He may take an interest in art, often surreptitiously to avoid accusations of effeminacy, but he will always have difficulty moving freely in artistic circles.

The close alliance between art and aristocracy is also advantageous to the artist in that it facilitates personal acquaintance with many of the leading men of his day. According to Aristotle, tragedy only really succeeds when it concerns the fall of a great or noble man - a theory still uncontradicted by the most valiant efforts of liberal and Marxist dramatists. History or current events may provide names and plots but only close contact with the leading public figures of his time furnishes the playwright who tackles high tragedy with the meat and sinew of believable portrayal and characterization.

That great artists must belong to the dominant population group of a nation seems to be as unassailable as the law that great art grows best in aristocratic soil. A racial and cultural background similar to that of his patron makes it possible for the artist to avoid the usual psychological and social hurdles that often slow or break down communication between members of racially and culturally differentiated human groups.

The fatal flaw which denies the minority artist a place among the artistic great is his inherent alienation. Because he does not really belong, because he is writing or painting or composing for ‘other people,’ he pushes a little too hard, raises his voice a little too high, makes his point a little too desperately. He is, inevitably, a bit outré -- in the land, but not of the land. His art seems always encumbered by an artificial dimension -- the proof of his belonging.

In a non-aristocratic, heterogeneous, fragmented society which has become an arena of contending cultures or subcultures, the minority artist may concentrate on proving his ‘non-belonging.’ Instead of adopting the host culture, he now rejects it and either sinks into nihilism or returns to the cultural traditions of his own group. In the process his art becomes a weapon. Having sacrificed his talent to immediacy and robbed it of the proportion and subtlety which make art art, the minority artist not only lowers his own artistic standards, but those of society as a whole. All that remains is the crude force of his stridency and his ‘message.’

Perhaps the clearest proof of the art-building and art-nourishing qualities of aristocracy and racial homogeneity can be found in the history of those nations which have passed through both aristocratic and democratic, homogeneous and heterogeneous cycles. It was not in the First, Second, Third, or Fourth French Republics that the cathedrals of Chartres and Rheims were constructed, but in feudal France, when there was a dominant population group (the Teutonic) and the structure of society was aristocratic. The highest flights of English genius took place in the reigns of absolute, not constitutional, monarchs and before the English were absorbed in the enlarged and more heterogeneous citizenry of Great Britain and the United Kingdom. The Rome of Augustus, who favored and protected the patricians and heaped restrictions upon plebeians, non-Romans, and slaves, produced the Golden Age of Latin literature. The Rome of Caracalla, who in A.D. 211 extended citizenship to all the free inhabitants of the Roman Empire, left little of artistic consequence. The Spain of Philip II, III, and IV, with all its religious bigotry and inquisitional zeal, was the era of Cervantes and Calderon, artists of a caliber that were not to be found in more liberal eras of Spanish history. Dostoyevsky and Tolstoy, the culmination of Russian literary genius, flourished under the czars, not minority commissars.

Liberal dogma to the contrary, such popular goals as universal literacy are not necessarily conducive to great literature. The England of Shakespeare, apart from a much smaller population, had a much higher illiteracy rate than present-day Britain. Neither does universal suffrage seem to raise the quality of artistic output. When Bach was Konzertmeister in Weimar and composing a new cantata every month, no one could vote. Some 220 years later in the Weimar Republic there were tens of millions of voters, but no Bachs.

Great drama, which usually incorporates great poetry, is the rarest form of great art. Art critics and historians have been at some loss to explain why great plays have appeared so infrequently in history and then only in clusters - fifth-century (B.C.) Athens, late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century England, seventeenth-century Spain and France. The answer may be that conditions for great drama are only ripe when artist and audience are in biological as well as linguistic rapport. Such rapport, unfortunately, is bound to be short-lived because the era of great drama is usually accompanied by large-scale economic and material advances which tend to soften national character, sharpen class divisions, and attract extraneous racial and cultural elements from abroad. To the great playwright a heterogeneous or divided audience is no audience at all.

Not only great art but all art seems to stagnate in an environment of brawling minorities, diverse religions, clashing traditions, and contrasting habits. This is probably why, in spite of their vast wealth and power, such world cities as Alexandria and Antioch in ancient times and New York City and Rio de Janeiro in modern times have produced nothing that can compare to the art of municipalities a fraction of their size. The artist needs an audience which understands him - an audience of his own people. The artist needs an audience to write up to, paint up to, and compose up to - an aristocracy of his own people. These seem to be the two sine qua nons of great art. Whenever they are absent great art is absent.

How else can the timeless art of the ‘benighted’ Middle Ages and the already dated art of the ‘advanced’ twentieth century be explained? Why is it that all the cultural resources of a dernier cri superpower like the United States cannot produce one single musical work that can compare with a minor composition of Mozart? Why is it that perhaps the greatest contribution to twentieth-century English literature has been made not by the English, Americans, Australians, or Canadians, but by the Irish - the most nationalistic, most tribal, most religious and most racially minded of all present-day English-speaking peoples. Modern England may have had its D. H. Lawrence and the United States its Faulkner. But only Ireland in recent times has assembled such a formidable literary array as Yeats, Synge, Shaw, Joyce, O’Casey, Elizabeth Bowen, Paul Vincent Carroll, Joyce Carey, and James Stephens. If, as modern opinion holds, liberal democracy, internationalism, and cultural pluralism enrich the soil of art, then these Irish artists bloomed in a very unlikely garden.

The historical sequence of large states seems to be race-building, nation-building, art-building, and empire-building. As the nation moves closer to imperialism, the people move farther apart. The binding forces of state are weakened by war, civil strife, and entropy, as the cultural shell is penetrated by outsiders. The aristocracy withdraws into an isolated decadence, its place taken by a plutocracy. Members of the once dominant population group mix with the newcomers and in order to compete are forced to adopt many of their attitudes and habits. Art becomes multiracial, multinational, multidirectional, and multifarious.

Much of Western art, particularly in the United States, is now in such a stage of dissolution. The surrealist painters, atonal jazz musicologists, prosaic poets, emetic novelists, crypto-pornographers, and revanchist pamphleteers say they are searching for new forms because the old forms are exhausted. Actually, they are exhuming the most ancient forms of all - simple geometric shapes, color blobs, drum beats, genitalia, four-letter words, and four-word sentences. The old forms are not exhausted. The minority artist simply has no feeling for them because they are not his forms. Since style is not a commodity that can be bought or invented, the avant-garde, having no style of its own, can only retreat to a styleless primitivism.

The dissolution of art is characterized by the emergence of the fake artist - the man without talent and training who becomes an artist by self-proclamation. He thrives in a fissiparous culture because it is child’s play to bemuse the artistic sensibilities of the motley nouveaux riches, assorted culture vultures, sexually ambivalent art critics, and minority art agents who dictate the levels of modern taste. It is not so easy to deceive those whose standards of taste were developed in the course of generations.

In a homogeneous society the artist has to contend with fewer sets of prejudices. He does not have to weigh and balance his art in order to be ‘fair.’ He need not be mortally afraid of wounding the religious and racial feelings of others. Though his instincts, opinions, and judgments often add up to bias, to the artist himself they may be the driving forces of his creativity. What really limit and devitalize art are not the artist’s prejudices but his audience’s prejudices, of which in a vast heterogeneous society like the United States there is an almost infinite variety. The artist has trouble enough with one censor. When he has twenty, his art becomes a day-to-day accommodation.

Aristocracies have been sharply criticized for freezing commoners into castes and classes. Yet the artist certainly stands a better chance in a state directed by a cultivated nobility than in one directed by a convention of Babbitts. By no means to the manor born, Homer, Virgil, Dante, Chaucer, Michelangelo, Shakespeare, Cervantes, Moliere, Mozart, Beethoven, Wagner, and Dostoyevsky managed to acquire enough social mobility in aristocratic societies to climb to the summit of artistic perfection. How many of these geniuses would have been flattened by the leveling pressures of present-day America is an open question.

Aristocracies have also been attacked for stultifying art, even though artists working in or believing in tradition-oriented societies have made many more artistic breakthroughs than soi-disant liberal or progressive artists. Aristophanes, who revolutionized comedy, Wagner, who revolutionized music, Dostoyevsky, who revolutionized the novel, and T. S. Eliot, who revolutionized modern poetry, were certainly not liberals. The proletarian or Marxist artist, on the other hand, hardly goes beyond photographic naturalism or childish doodling - the mandatory tractor art of the Soviet Union and the op art, pop art, and spray-paint art of the ‘free world.’

No great art ever emerged from isolation and no great artists ever sprang full-blown from the forehead of Zeus. Great artists are the products of schools of art, and their works are the peaks rising above a high cultural plateau. ‘First families,’ whose attitudes and tastes have been shaped by centuries of participation in national life, are not merely content to collect old art. They keep the schools busy elaborating and improving on what has been done before - the surest approach to artistic evolution. Conversely, the present-day ragtag collection of semiliterate millionaires, who speculate in art as they would in copper futures, spend their money on old masters and ‘name’ artists whose works can be resold at a handsome profit or given away at a handsome tax deduction. With no more demand for continuity in art, schools of artists disappear, to be replaced by artistic cliques. The arbiter of taste is no longer the art lover, but the art dealer. Art is transformed into artiness.

The patterns of artistic growth and decline outlined in the preceding paragraphs have already blacked out most of the creativity of the Majority artist. Today the Jewish American writes of the Jew and his heritage, the Negro American of the Negro, the Italian American of the Italian, and so on. But of whom does the American American, the Majority writer, write? Of Nordics and Anglo-Saxons? If he did and if he portrayed them as fair-haired heroes, he would be laughed out of modern literature. Consciousness of one’s people, one of the great emotional reserves, one of the great artistic stimulants, is denied the Majority artist at the very moment the minority artist feeds upon it so ravenously. Besides its other psychological handicaps, this one-sided, selective censorship obviously builds a high wall of frustration around the free play of the imagination.

Aware or unaware of the forces working against them, many Majority artists have fled abroad to seek the cultural kinship they miss at home. Eliot became a British citizen. Robert Frost was first discovered and published while living in England. Pound, who probably exercised more influence on modern literature than any other poet, settled down in Rapallo, and dabbled in European right-wing politics. Hemingway moved to France, Italy, Spain, Africa, Cuba, and eventually committed suicide. Thomas Wolfe and F. Scott Fitzgerald spent many of their most creative years abroad and returned to gypsy-like, coast-to-coast peregrinations and an early death that was either helped along or brought about by alcohol poisoning.

[…]

All Majority artists necessarily experience the wrenching depression that comes from enforced cultural homelessness. Less than any other person is the artist capable of working in a vacuum. Prevented from exercising his own ‘peoplehood,’ the Majority artist looks for substitutes in minority racism, in exotic religions and Oriental cults, in harebrained exploits of civil disobedience, in African and pre-Columbian art, psychoanalysis, narcotics, and homosexuality.

The ban on displays of Majority ethnocentrism in art - a ban written in stone in present-day American culture - also reaches back to the Majority cultural past. Chaucer and Shakespeare have been cut and blue-penciled and some of their work put on the minority index. The motion picture of Charles Dickens’s Oliver Twist had a hard time being released in the United States because of the recognizably Jewish traits of Fagin. The masterpiece of American silent films, The Birth of a Nation, can no longer be shown publicly without the threat of picket lines, while Jewish-produced black ‘sexploitation’ films like Mandingo (1975), replete with the crudest racial slurs against whites, are shown everywhere. Huckleberry Finn was removed from the library - of all places - of the Mark Twain Intermediate School in Virginia.

Henry Miller’s Tropic of Capricorn was attacked by millionaire novelist Leon Uris as ‘anti-Semitic.’ Southern high-school and college bands have been forbidden to play ‘Dixie’ at public gatherings. Even nursery rhymes and Stephen Foster are being rewritten and bowdlerized. A private school in Chicago actually changed the title of the theatrical performance of Snow White to Princess of the Woods for fear of being accused of racism. Meanwhile a tireless, clandestine literary vendetta is being waged against such towering modern writers, composers, and scholars, both American and European, as Eliot, Dreiser, Pound, Toynbee, Ernst Jünger, D. H. Lawrence, Céline, Roy Campbell, Wyndham Lewis, Kipling, Hamsun, Franz Lehar, and Richard Strauss. Their crime has been to have let slip some chance remark, written some poem, novel or essay, joined, or at least not opposed, some political movement offensive to one or more minorities. There is, of course, no countervendetta of Majority literary critics against artists who indulge in minority racism.

The power and sustenance that an artist derives from being part of a racially and culturally homogeneous community helps explain the success of William Faulkner, the one first-rate Majority writer who survived both as an individual and as an artist the nationwide uprooting of his cultural heritage. Faulkner was born, lived, flourished, and is buried in Mississippi, adjudged to be the fourth most illiterate state. Because they totally ignore the communal nature of art, liberals and Marxists can only treat Faulkner as a paradox. Environmentalist logic can no more explain why a supposedly backward state in the Deep South should produce America’s greatest twentieth-century novelist than why the most literate nation in Europe succumbed to Hitler.

Outside the South, American art has been overwhelmed by members of minorities. To lend substance to the allegation that the basic tone of American creative intellectual life has become Jewish; one has only to unroll the almost endless roster of artists, of Jewish or part-Jewish origin. The contingent of Negro and other minority artists, writers, and composers, though it cannot compare to the Jewish aggregate, grows larger every day.

The minority domination of the contemporary art scene is complicated by the presence of another, as yet unmentioned minority, unique in that it is composed of both Majority and minority members. This is the homosexual cult. Homosexuals, as is well known, are one of the two principal props of the American theater, the second being Jews. Jews own almost all the theater houses, comprise most of the producers and almost half the directors, and furnish half of the audience and playwrights. The other playwrights are mostly well-known Majority homosexuals. Combine these two ingredients, add the payroll padding, kickbacks, ticket scalping, and union featherbedding which plague all Broadway producers, and it is readily understandable why in New York, still the radiating nucleus of the American theater, the greatest of all art forms has degenerated into homosexual or heterosexual pornography, leftist and Marxist message plays, foreign imports, and blaring, clockwork musical comedies. It is doubtful if a new Aeschylus, Shakespeare, or Pirandello could survive for one minute on the Broadway of today.

The minority penetration of the communications media shores up minority cultural domination because the press, magazines, and TV are the transmission belts of art and, as such, its supreme arbiter. By praising, condemning, featuring, underplaying, or ignoring books, paintings, sculpture, music, and other artistic works the media decide, in effect, what will be distributed (and become known) and what will not be distributed (and remain unknown). A book not reviewed favorably or not reviewed at all in the influential, opinion-shaping columns of the New York Times, the New York Times Book Review, Time, and a few ‘higher-brow’ weeklies and monthlies has little or no chance of getting into libraries or the better bookstores.

This effective winnowing process also extends to advertising. Books promoting minority racism are acceptable for advertising in most newspapers and magazines. Books promoting Majority racism are not. Not only would no major newspaper or magazine review The Dispossessed Majority, no weekly news magazine would run paid advertising for it. Press-agentry in the form of praise from columnists and television personalities is another tested means of lending a helping hand to minority artists or Majority artists who specialize in minority themes. Perhaps the most banal example of minority mutual admiration in the arts is the practice adopted by the New York Times Book Review of permitting books espousing Negro racism to be reviewed by Negro racists. For example, Die Nxxxxr Die! by H. Rap Brown, a fugitive from justice rearrested after holding up a New York saloon, received a generally favorable review, although Brown wrote that he ‘saw no sense in reading Shakespeare,’ who was a ‘racist’ and a ‘faggot.’

Throughout his life and career the minority-conscious artist identifies with one group of Americans - his group. In so doing he inevitably attacks the Majority and Northern European cultural tradition because Majority America is not his America. The Puritans are reduced to witch-hunters, reactionary pietists, and holier-than-thou bigots. The antebellum and postbellum South is turned into a vast concentration camp. The giants of industry are described as robber barons. The earliest pioneers and settlers are typecast as specialists in genocide. The police are ‘pigs.’ Majority members are ‘goys, rednecks, honkies,’ or just plain ‘beasts.’

To accommodate the minority Kulturkampf, a Broadway play transforms Indians into a race of virtuous higher beings, while whites are portrayed as ignoble savages, and the quondam heroic figure of Custer struts about the stage as a second-rate gangster. A Hollywood film shows U.S. cavalrymen raping and mutilating Indian maidens. A television play set in the depression years of the 1930s puts the blame for America’s ills squarely on the Majority and ends with a specific tirade against ‘Anglo-Saxons.’

But it goes far beyond this. A principal theme of modern Negro writing is the rape or violation of Majority women. In his bestselling Soul on Ice, which is required reading in the English curriculum of hundreds of colleges, Negro militant Eldridge Cleaver, a bail-jumping black leader who after a stay in Cuba and Algiers returned home and instead of going to jail started working the born-again Christian circuit, tells how he feels about ‘consciously, deliberately, willfully, methodically’ despoiling white women. ‘It delighted me that I was defying and trampling upon the white man’s law … that I was defiling his women ... I felt I was getting … revenge … I wanted to send waves of consternation throughout the white race.’

On the same page Cleaver quotes approvingly some lines from a poem by Negro writer LeRoi Jones: ‘Rape the white girls. Rape their fathers. Cut their mothers’ throats.’ Intercourse with Majority females, although on a more sedate and controlled scale, is a theme that also appears frequently in the so-called Jewish literary renaissance. The heroes of Jewish fiction often seek out Gentile girls because ‘there is less need for respect, and thus more possibility ... to do things that could not be done with a person one has to respect.’

Contemporary white artistic efforts are dismissed as ‘pimp art’ by LeRoi Jones on the front page (second section) of the Sunday New York Times. One Jewish author states, ‘The family is American fascism.’ A Jewish literary critic calls the late Thomas Wolfe, who had twice the talent of any minority novelist yet to appear in American literature, a ‘professional hillbilly.’ A leading Negro writer labels America, ‘the Fourth Reich.’ As mentioned previously, a literary Jewess describes the white race as ‘the cancer of human history.’

But the ultimate objective goes well beyond the destruction or denigration of Majority culture. There is an increasing frequency in minority writing of subtle and not so subtle appeals for the physical molestation and even the outright massacre of whites. Such was the message of LeRoi Jones’s play, Slave Ship. With the same vitriolic splash, Eldridge Cleaver writes approvingly of ‘young blacks out there right now who are slitting white throats.’ A black poetess, Nikki Giovanni, has a poem in a popular black anthology which contains these lines: ‘Can you kill/Can you run a Protestant down with your/’68 El Dorado/ .... Can you [obscenity] on a blond head/Can you cut it off.’ Julius Lester, another much applauded Negro writer, may have identified the minority artist’s real grudge - the radiant Western artistry that seems forever beyond his reach. Ranging as far afield as Paris, he calls for the destruction of Notre Dame ‘because it separated man from himself.’

The communications media and principal academic forums being closed to him, the Majority artist has no adequate defense against the blistering minority assault on his culture. He must avoid praising his own people as a people - and he also must avoid castigating other peoples, particularly the more dynamic minorities. The minority artist, on the other hand, wears no such straitjacket. He freely praises whom he likes and freely damns whom he dislikes, both as individuals and as groups. The Majority artist, with a narrower choice of heroes and villains, has a narrower choice of theme. Lacking the drive and brute force of minority racism, Majority art tends to become bland, innocuous, emotionless, sterile, and boring. Forbidden to explore the text and context of his collective consciousness, the Majority artist retreats to surrealism, science fiction, murder mysteries, fantasy, travel guides, and pornography. In the process he becomes the punching bag of the minority activist, who sees ‘man’s essential struggle as social, against other men, rather than the moral one against himself.’

Many potential Majority artists probably sense well in advance the roadblocks in the way of a successful artistic career and turn to science, where their creativity is less hampered. Similar situations in the past may illustrate why in the life span of nations the artistic efflorescence has generally preceded the scientific -- why Sophocles came before Archimedes, Dante before Galileo, Shakespeare before Newton and Faraday, Goethe before Planck. Mathematics, physics, and chemistry, but not the life sciences, are less controversial than art and in a divided, pluralistic society may be the last refuge of free expression and free inquiry. It has been said by Ortega y Gasset that ‘people read to pronounce judgment.’ The aphorism might be extended by saying that as nations become older and more divergent in politics, religion, class, and race, people read to soothe or excite their prejudices.

The glimmering of a great artistic era appeared in the United States in the first half of the nineteenth-century. In New England, New York, Philadelphia, and the South, a native American aristocracy was evolving out of generations of landowners, shipping magnates, army and navy officers, and government, church, and educational leaders. At the same time, schools of Majority artists were emerging, their growth rate synchronized with that of the budding aristocracy. It was perhaps no coincidence that the Hudson River Valley, the stamping ground of the first American aristocrats, produced the first great American writer, Washington Irving, the greatest American writer, Herman Melville, and the first American school of painting. The Dutch patroons of New Amsterdam had carved out their riverine estates decades before the founding of the Virginia plantations and while Boston was still a log-cabin theocracy.

The traumatic experience of the Civil War was not entirely responsible for putting an end to America’s great artistic promise. There was the overbrimming social fluidity which followed the war and made possible the settlement of the West. There were fortunes to be made - in commerce, in industry, in mining, in land - and as plutocracy waxed, art waned. There was also the New Immigration, which played havoc with the normal, organic processes of artistic evolution.

In the last moment of the Republic, when Roman culture was displaying signs of rigor mortis, Augustus stopped the dissolution of Roman art by halting the dispossession of the Roman Majority. The outcome was the Golden Age of Latin literature. It was not until Rome’s decline properly began - according to Gibbon, with the accession of Commodus in A.D. 180 - that the demise of Roman art and the Roman Majority could be considered official.

For the sake of the American Majority and of American art, it is to be hoped that the United States is now in its pre-Augustan, not its pre-Commodian era.